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Kuki Lies: Exposing the Propaganda of ‘Inevitable Split’

A large section of the New Kukis have been marauders. Between 1850 and 1947 they frequently plundered vulnerable indigenous Meetei, Tangkhul and Kabui villages for booty.

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By: Manipur Defence Force

Where and What? 

Manipur in Northeast India is caught in a vexed cycle of ethnic clash between Meetei and Kuki. It sparked off on 3rd May 2023 when Kuki communal organizations spearheaded a “Tribal Solidarity March” against Meeteis’ demand for inclusion in the Scheduled Tribes List of India. The march was not designed for peace as Kukis had premeditated a violent showdown by unruly mobs and armed militants with sophisticated weapons. They vandalized forest offices, looted arms and ammunition, and carried out coordinated attacks upon Meetei in the Kuki-dominated districts of Churachandpur, Tengnoupal, and Kangpokpi. The attacks include killing, injury, destruction of houses and properties, desecration of religious structures, forced displacement, and keeping hostage thousands of unarmed Meeteis. It provoked spontaneous reactions from Meetei mobs in the valley districts who began attacking Kuki neighbourhoods. In the following days, Kuki militants backed by some covert powerful forces carried out a series of armed aggression on vulnerable Meetei villages. Meetei mobs and Manipur police retaliated. The spiral of armed aggression, retaliation, killing, injury, and burning of villages have been continued. 

Many suspected that Kuki militants in collusion with some personnel of the central security forces are responsible for spearheading the ethnic clash to fulfil the agenda of creating a separate Kuki homeland. Many also suspected that they are backed by Burmese Kuki infiltrators with whom they allegedly collaborate in drug smuggling, poppy cultivation, and territorial control. The BJP central leadership is being charged for allegedly supporting them to fulfil their electoral politics and other vested interests. Unfortunately, widespread misinformation by Kuki propagandists, uncritically picked up by a section of the Indian media has painted a biased picture of the situation by demonizing Meetei and promoting Kuki’s minority victimhood narrative. Among such provocative propaganda is a booklet entitled The Inevitable Split: Documents on State-Sponsored Ethnic Cleansing in Manipur, 2023. We expose the lies found in this booklet. 

Chronology of Spark 

For some months before 3rd May, Kuki communal forces while protesting the Manipur government’s certain policies were blaming the entire Meetei. To discourage the proposed visit of Manipur’s Chief Minister to Churachandpur, on April 27, 2023, Kuki mobs destroyed an open gym at P.T. Sports Complex, which was planned to be inaugurated the follow- ing day. They also destroyed the structure prepared for celebrating the first anniversary of Churachandpur’s MLA L. M. Khoute’s election victory. The Indigenous Tribal Leader’s Forum announced the non-cooperation of all government-related programmes and the total shutdown of the district from 8 am to 4 pm on 28th April. The State Government imposed 144 Cr. PC and internet shut down for 5 days. However, militancy and violence continued. On the 28th the office of Range Forest (Tuibong) was attacked. On the 29th Kuki miscreants desecrated Meetei seven colours-flag and Meetei God Ibudhou Pakhangba’s shrine. 

On 3rd May 2023, Kukis brandished sophisticated arms and marched in Churachandpur though the curfew which was enforced on April 27 had not been lifted. The question is how did the district administration allow the march to happen without lifting the prohibition order? Why gun brandishing militants in combat dress were present at the march which was meant to be a peaceful one? Why didn’t the police take up effective security measures against potential violence? What were the district administrators doing? Was there intelligence failure or deliberate support to violence? Manipur’s Chief Minister, on 21st May 2023 admitted that the violence was due to intelligence and security lapses. But the question is, were certain sections of the administration, bureaucrat, legislature, and politicians complicit in orchestrating the violence? 

On 3rd May, at around 10:30 a.m., Kukis in Churachandpur district attacked the forest beat office at Bungmual village. At around 12:00 noon they attacked Khumujamba Meetei Leikai. Kukis burnt houses and shops and looted Manipur Gun House. The forest beat office at Saikot village was burnt at around 1:30 p.m. They stage-managed the burning of their unauthorised hoarding across National Highway at Leisang Village at around 2:40 p.m. and blamed the Meeteis to justify the attack. In Bishnupur district they burnt about 300 Meetei houses at Torbung Bangla at around 3:00 p.m. They destroyed Meetei village Phougakchao Ikhai Makha Leikai at around 2:30 p.m. They burnt Meetei houses at Torbung Bangla, Torbung Govindpur, and Phougakchao Ikhai Makha Leikai from 3:30 to 4:00 p.m. In Tengnoupal district they attacked and burnt Meetei houses in Moreh town, Moreh Bazar Leikai, Moreh Ward numbers 2, 4, 5, 6, 8, Moreh Heinoukhongnembi Ward 7, Moreh Khunou Leikai Ward 9, Moreh Khodumpam Leikai Ward 9, Moreh Khuman Leikai Ward 9 and Premnagar Ward 4 from around 4:30 p.m. They attacked Bijang Khunou Meitei Leikai and Meetei neighbourhood of D Phailian Leimaram, Compound Veng in Churachandpur at around 4:30 p.m. 

In Churachandpur district they further attacked Meetei houses at Tuibong Zion Veng, Sumchinvum Singhat, Zou Veng Singhat, Yaifakon, etc. from around 4:30 p.m. They attacked the forest beat cffices at Muallam Village and Singhat Mis- sion Veng at around 5:00 p.m. They attacked Meetei houses at Khuga Tampak and looted arms from Singhat Police Station at around 5:30 p.m. Attack on Meeteis continued in Khumu- jamba Leikai, Lingsiphai Village, and Phougakchao Ikhai Maning Leikai at around 5:30 p.m. They attacked the forest beat office at S. Colton Village and Meetei villages of Khuga Tampak area, Higgon Marup Meetei Leikai Zenhang Lamka, Khuga Meitei Christian Leikai Zenhang Lamka, Old Bazar Zenhang Lamka, and Torbung Bazar at around 6:00 p.m. They resumed attacks on Meetei at Khuga Tampak area, Churachandpur Mandop Leikai, Kangvai, Saikot Jayon Veng, and Torbung Bazar at around 6:30 p.m. In Kangpokpi district they attacked Meetei at Gamgiphai at around 6:40 p.m. The retaliation by Meeteis against Kuki started at Moirang area in Bishnupur district at around 6:45 p.m. This was followed by a series of attacks and retaliations and vice versa between Meetei mobs and Kuki militants to date. 

Manipur and Kukis 

Manipur’s territory is several centuries older than present India. In the long past before 1947 Manipur had been a kingdom that co-existed with the erstwhile kingdoms of Kamrup and Tripura (Tui-phra) in what is today known as Northeast India. In other words, Manipur’s present territory is the continuation of the erstwhile kingdom of Mani- pur that lasted till the takeover by the Dominion of India in October 1949. Its location in the world geographical grid is in the latitude range of 23°83” and 25°68” (North) and in the longitude range of 93°03” to 94°78” (East). Its immediate neighbours are the Indian states of Nagaland (North), Assam (West), Mizoram (South) and Myanmar’s Chin state (South) and Sagaing region (Northeast, East and Southeast). Its total geographical area is 22,327 square kilometres. Approximately, 90% of the geographic area comprising the districts of Chandel, Churachandpur, Kamjong, Kangpokpi, Noney, Pherzawl, Senapati, Tamenglong, Tengnoupal, and Ukhrul has been marked as mountainous or hilly area. The remaining 10% of the geographic area comprising the districts of Bishnupur, Imphal East, Imphal West, Jiribam, Kakching, and Thoubal has been marked as a valley or plain area. 

Manipur is inhabited by indigenous Meetei, scheduled tribes and other migrants. Such diversity is explained by the fact that in the long historical past Manipur’s indigenous communities have absorbed several hordes of people be- longing to diverse lineages. Today, among the “tribes” those who organisationally identified with Naga are the Anal, Angami, Chiru, Chothe, Inpui, Kabui, Lamkang, Liangmei, Mao, Maram, Maring, Monsang, Moyon, Poumai, Rongmei, Sema/Sumi, Tangkhul, Tarao, Thangal, Zeme etc. Those who organisationally identified with Kuki are the Gangte, Hmar, Koirao, Mate, Paite, Ralte, Simte, Suhte, Thadou, etc. Those who maintain separate identities but live as Kuki’s al- lied cognates are the Mizo, Hmar, Paite, and Zou. Those who want to maintain separate identities and shift organisational affiliation depending on time and situation (intermediary communities) are the Aimol, Kharam, Koireng, Kom, Pu- rum, and Koirao. There are other linguistic groups as well. They are intricately linked as inseparable segments of an organic composition called Manipur. 

But Manipur, today, is threatened by Kukis? Then, who are the Kukis? Kuki is a nomenclature for Thadou-speaking tribes or cognates. They are not indigenous to Manipur but wandering tribes who have migrated to Manipur in different waves. British classified them into Old and New. The Old Kukis— such as the Aimol, Anal, Chowte [Chothe], Chiru, Kolhen [Koireng], Kom, Lamngang [Lamkang], Pu- rum, Tikhup, and Vaiphei—are found in some archaic texts as early as the 16th century. They are peaceful and create no disturbance. The New Kukis such as Thadous, Jangshens (Sing- sons), and their offshoots and allied cognates started migration in various waves from the mid-19th century onwards. British settled them down as subjects of Manipur, assigning to them different duties such as irregular troops, labours or porters, etc

A large section of the New Kukis have been marauders. Between 1850 and 1947 they frequently plundered vulnerable indigenous Meetei, Tangkhul and Kabui villages for booty. There were a series of coordinated plunders between 1917 and 1919, which has been wrongly referred to as the so-called Anglo-Kuki War. Most of the chiefs have been expansionists. However, political and administrative arrangements were made in 1948 so that they would live for a collective Manipur and contribute to peace and progress. Unfortunately, after 1950, different waves of Kuki refugees or infiltrators in Manipur deceitfully acquired Indian citizenship and expropriated the pre-existing communities of their rights to land, resources, jobs, opportunities, and facilities. As their number grew, they began communal politics to carve out a separate Kuki homeland to be known as Zalengam. Some of them indulged in drug smuggling and poppy farming to raise money for funding clan armies, arms, ammunition, propaganda and solidarity. They had a wide network of cross-border narco-terrorists, who also indulge in destroying forests for poppy farming. Such enemies of forests, eco-system, and humanity dragged the larger bulk of innocent civilians into communal clashes. 

Kukis are troublemakers in many territories where they have settled and grown in number, be it in Manipur, Assam, Myanmar, Bangladesh, Israeli-occupied Palestine, etc. Over the years they have perpetrated disturbances, havoc, plunders, and ethnic cleansing to create Kuki contiguous areas and to assert an exclusive Zalengam. The ongoing unrest in Manipur since May 3, 2023, as designed by Kukis exemplifies the point. To cover up such reactionary agenda and ethnic cleansing they have circulated a widespread propaganda of lies that portray them as innocent victims. The lies have been exposed. 

LIE: Kuki says that while tribal constituted more than 40% of Manipur’s population, only 31.66 % (19 out of 60) seats in the State Legislative Assembly were reserved for the tribals. Does it mean to say that 68.44% (41 out of 60) seats in the State Legislative Assembly are exclusively reserved for the Meeteis?

FACT: Tribals, including Kukis enjoy the opportunity to get more seats than their demographic proportion. They get not only 31.66% reserved seats but can contest election in the 40 unreserved seats.

LIE: Kuki says that Hill Area Committee and District Councils were rendered toothless due to Meetei.

FACT: The Hill Area Committee, District Councils, and their functioning are prescribed by the Article 371 (C) of the India’s Constitution. These are tribal constitutional bodies. The tribal themselves are responsible for its failure or success. Meeteis are neither part of it nor responsible for its failure.

LIE: Kuki says that Meeteis in the Imphal valley were responsible for the institutional neglect of the hill areas.

FACT: Interregional disparity in infrastructural growth is due to either locational factor such as Imphal being the centrally located capital city or economic planning. Imphal grows and flourishes under the initiatives of diverse communities, including Kuki migrants. To address interregional disparity there has to be sincere collective efforts of all including Kuki leaders.

LIE: Kuki says that they did not enjoy protection in Manipur due to Meetei domination.

FACT: Kukis enjoy special protection under the Constitution (Scheduled Tribes) Order, 1950, Manipur (Village Authorities in Hill Areas) Act, 1956, and Article 371 (C) of the Indian Constitution. If Kukis are dissatisfied with manipulation by corrupt officials in recruitment and fund management, they may approach the competent authorities under due process of the law. The blame should not be on Meetei or any other community.

LIE: Kuki says that Hill Areas Committee’s repeated demand for the extension of the Sixth Schedule to the hill areas of Manipur were suppressed by Meitei dominated State government.

FACT: The Hill Areas Committee is constituted under the provision of the Article 371C of the Indian Constitution, “for the modifications to be made in the rules of business of the Government and in the rules of procedure of the Legislative Assembly of the State and for any special responsibility of the Governor in order to secure the proper functioning of such committee.” Its function is meant to endeavour to “(a) safeguard the interest of the people of the Hill Areas, particularly through accelerated development of these areas; and (b) promote unity between the people of the Hill Areas and other areas of the State by aiming at an integrated and evenly based economic growth of those areas and augment the resources of the state as a whole.” The Committee has no locus standi to demand any communally motivated sectarian demands such as the Sixth Schedule. Article 371C read along with the Constitution (Scheduled Tribes) Order, 1950, and the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils Act, 1971 is the most viable special mechanism meant for the peculiar objective conditions of Manipur. Kukis are expected to progress from such a mechanism but are deprived of by their corrupt leaders who misappropriate the lion’s share at the cost of their own people. Therefore, their demand for the Sixth Schedule is placed in a misplaced context to engineer communal provocation to create confusion and chaos to serve vested interests.

LIE: Kuki says that the Government of Manipur had formulated the Manipur Culture Policy without giving due consideration to the presence of tribal cultures.

FACT: The Manipur Culture Policy is meant for the people of Manipur, including the Kukis citizens of Manipur. In fact, in November 2002, the Department of Art & Culture, Government of Manipur released a draft Manipur Culture Policy and invited any suggestions/ comments from individuals/ organisations to be submitted on or before 15th January, 2003. People were happy with this notice and many concerned individuals / organisations submitted suggestions to ensure a pragmatic and durable culture policy. After considering all the suggestions/ comments and talks that lasted for more than 12 years, the Government of Manipur finally released the Manipur Culture Policy in October 2016. The Pol- icy is in consonance with what has been envisaged in the National Educational Policy to fulfil the aims of changing and enriching the cultural contents in education in as many manifestations as possible. The Policy focuses on giving equal attention in the endeavour to develop culture among plains and hills, urban and rural, several communities, ethnic and tribal groups. This has to be achieved by coordination amongst the Departments of Culture, Education, Youth Affairs and Sports, Information and Public Relations, Tribal Development and Tour- ism, and others. But the Burmese Kuki infiltrators or their agents may not be happy as this Policy has not not served their diabolic agenda.

LIE: Kuki says that Manipuri language and Meetei script were imposed on Kuki students as a move of cultural assimilation and domination.

FACT: There are more than 124 enumerated “mother tongues” recorded in the Census 2011 for Manipur. Among these, Manipuri is the lingua franca. However, Manipuri is not mandatory for Kuki students as the Board of Secondary Education Manipur has offered wide-ranging options. In other words, apart from Manipuri, the other languages recognised by the BOSEM are major Indian languages such as Assamese, Bengali, English, Hindi, and tribal languages such as Hmar, Kom, Lushai or Mizo, Mao, Nepali, Paite, Rongmei/ Ruangmei, Tangkhul, Thadou-Kuki, Vaiphei, and Zou. For those who opt for Manipuri, they have to write in Meetei / Manipuri script as approved by the Government.

(a) For classes I and II, the first language may be any of the Manipuri, Hindi, Tangkhul, Paite, Hmar, Lushai, Thadou-Kuki, Mao, Rongmei, Zou and any major Indian languages. The second language is English

(b) For classes III-V, the first language is Manipuri. The second language is English. The third language is Hindi. But Manipuri as the first language is not practically mandatory for tribal students.

(c) For classes VI-VIII, the first language could be either Manipuri or Hindi or any other Modern Indian Language or a recognised tribal language. The second language is English. The third language is: Manipuri for those who do not offer Manipuri as the first language or Hindi for those who do not offer Hindi as the first language or Elementary Hindi and Elementary Manipuri for those who do not offer Manipuri or Hindi as the first language or any one of the recognised tribal languages for those who do not offer tribal language as the first Languages.

(d) For classes IX-X the first language could be any one of the Manipuri, Hindi, Assamese, Bengali, Mizo, Paite, Hmar, Tangkhul, Nepali, Zou, Thadou-Kuki, Kom, Vaiphei, Mao and Ruangmei. Or a student can opt in lieu of first language either Additional English or Elementary Manipuri or Elementary Hindi.

LIE: Kuki says that there has been an abnormal increase in forest cover area by encroaching on tribal lands. They want to make it believe that they are the lords of the hills and that the Government of Manipur has been illegitimately attacking them.

FACT: There is no encroachment on tribal land by the Government of Manipur. There is no abnormal in- crease in Manipur’s forest cover area. On the contrary, the Government of Manipur has been trying to protect state’s forest from the enemy and destroyer of the ecosystem (including forests). Read the statistics, the trend of forest destruction in Manipur has reached an alarming situation. According to the Indian For- est Survey Report (2019), forest cover of Manipur has decreased by 499.10 square km with respect to 2017 assessment. In 2021, it has further decreased by 248.63 square km with respect to 2019 assessment. The decline in forest cover is related to unnatural growth of villages. The new villages are reported to be 308 from Kangpokpi [Hills; Kuki dominated area], 281 from Churachandpur [Hills; Kuki dominated area], 205 from Chandel [Hills; Kuki dominated area], 130 from Tengnoupal [Hills; Kuki dominated area], 27 from Senapati [Hills; Naga dominated area], 14 from Pherzawl [Hills; Hmar dominated area], and 5 from Ukhrul [Hills; Tangkhul dominat- ed area].” A news published by the Times of India on June 6, 2022 says that there were 934 “unrecognized villages” in the five hill districts of Manipur. Since there is a correlation of unnatural growth of villages, expansion of poppy plantation, and destruction of forests and ecosystem, the Government took up correlated measures such as (a) discouraging unnatural expansion of villages, (b) destruction of poppy cultivation, and (c) conservation of State’s Reserved Forest (1,467 square km.), Protected Forest (4,171 square km.) and Unclassified Forest (11,780 square km.). Such measures by the Government might have threatened the agenda of Burmese Kuki infiltrators and Kuki narco-terrorists. These are Government’s measures and need not blame the Meeteis or any other community.

LIE: Kuki says there had been unfair budgetary and development allocation for the hills. They say that budgetary allocation for developing hill areas have never crossed 10% of the State’s budget. They cit- ed a source that says that budget allocations for hills out of the total allocation for the State were 2.20% (2017-18), 2.15% (2018-19), 2.45% (2019-20), and 0.58% (2020-21).

FACT: The Report of the Committee Constituted by the Government of Manipur to Examine the Funds Re- leased for All the Hill District in the State, October 2021 shows that budget allocations for hills out of the total allocation for the State were 38.17% (2017-18), 36.79% (2018-19), 43.76% (2019-20), and 45.75% (2020-21). Development of Kuki villagers in the hills have been withheld due to misappropriation of funds by Kuki leaders and their agents.

LIE. Kuki says that the Manipur Hill Areas (Acquisition of Chief’s Rights) Act, 1967 authorised the government to acquire the rights, title and interest of chiefs over land in the Hills of Manipur.

FACT: The Manipur Hill Areas (Acquisition of Chief’s Rights) Act, 1967 has never been fully enforced to deprive of the rights of indigenous tribal chiefs by the authority. Instead, contenders to chieftainship are happy in making use of this Act to officially settle succession disputes. There has been no collective effort by indigenous chiefs to amend or abrogate this Act. If Kuki propagandists are against this toothless Act, it begs for question as to why they raise no objection to the powerful Land Acquisition Act, 1894 which can evict anyone from land for public purpose.

LIE: Kuki says that attempt to extend Manipur Land Revenue & Land Reform Act, 1960 to the hill areas was meant to authorise the state government to ac- quire land rights and titles at the cost of tribals.

FACT: In Manipur’s hill districts there are 32 surveyed revenue villages where individuals/ families/ collective’s land ownerships are legally protected under the provision of the MLR&LR Act, 1960. Persons interested in private ownership of land are happy with it. Selfish Kuki chiefs who assert absolute feudal land- lordism and those who are in unholy alliance with them for illicit plantations at the cost of tribesmen are opposed to land reforms. Therefore, it is not the ML- R&LR Act, 1960 but the Kuki chiefs who are depriving their tribesmen of land rights or legal titles on land.

LIE: Kuki says that Manipur government had passed three anti tribal bills— the Protection of Manipur Peoples Bill, 2015, the Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms (Seventh Amendment) Bill, 2015, and the Manipur Shops and Establishments (Second Amendment) Bill, 2015.

FACT: The above Bills, meant for the protection of the people of Manipur from the unregulated influx of migrants, were lapsed in the Manipur State Assembly due to violent unrest by Kukis. They protested to buy time for backdoor accommodation of Burmese Kuki infiltrators. They have achieved their goal. To talk today of anti-tribal bills 2015 is redundant.

LIE: Kuki says that Meetei’s demand for Schedule Tribe status was illegitimate.

FACT: A section of Meetei has been demanding the inclusion of Meetei in the Scheduled Tribes List of India. As their movement gained momentum, on May 29, 2013, the Ministry of Tribal Affairs wrote a letter to the Government of Manipur whereby re- questing for specific recommendations along with a socio-economic survey and ethnographic report of the Meetei. This has worried those Kukis who do not want Meetei to enjoy ST opportunities, that is, the opportunities that Kukis have been enjoying the bigger share by excelling from other indigenous Scheduled Tribes of Manipur. They protested that Meetei’s demand for Schedule Tribe status was illegitimate. But the point is, Kukis have no authority to determine the legitimacy or illegitimacy of Meetei’s ST demand. Kukis cannot permanently enjoy the absolute prerogatives of ST. The fate of Meetei’s demand for ST status has to be decided by the competent authorities established by the law.

Conclusion 

Peace can be immediately restored if the Government of India is committed to achieving it. The BJP central leadership is fully aware of the situation. All that it needs to do urgently is positive action to dismiss people’s apprehension about its alleged divisive policy between Meetei and Kuki for its own vested interests. People are asking if BJP could have close ties with the antagonistic communal forces on both sides, why can’t it win their trust and bring the clash to an immediate halt. People are apprehensive if there is an un-holy alliance between certain sections of the central security forces with Kuki armed militants under Suspension of Operation to exasperate the ongoing turmoil. Certain sections of the security forces have been reportedly caught red-handed while obstructing Manipur police from repulsing Kuki militants. Aren’t the central security forces meant for restoring peace? Drone cameras, binoculars, and eyewitnesses’ narratives speak about premeditated cordial contacts between Kuki attackers and certain sections of the central security forces to be immediately followed by attacks on Meetei villages. What is the intention of some personnel of the central security forces for burning a Pangal’s shop (owned by a Naga) at night? Why people are suspected that central security forces are discreetly transporting essential commodities and ammunition for Kuki militants while Kuki’s illegal embargo on valley communities has not been stopped? Will not the central security forces prevent infiltration of cross-border Kuki narco-terrorists from Myanmar such as those of the Kuki National Army (Burma) and Chin National Army that are allegedly taking part in attacking Meetei? 

People are deeply hurt as there is a lack of timely peace and security for the victims of the ongoing communal clash. Will the BJP central leadership remain a mute spectator to the hundreds of deaths, thousands of injuries, displacements, and irreparable destructions and sufferings? May we seek the attention of the BJP central leaders to respond to our following urgent concerns: 

  • Who is responsible for the failure to maintain law and order and ethnic cleansing of Meeteis in the Kuki-dominated areas on 3rd May 2023?
  •  Will the Government of India show seriousness in immediately disarming Kuki militants and contentious forces?
  • Will the Government of India immediately enforce an end to the illegitimate embargo on the National Highways by Kukis?
  • What prevents the Government of India from stopping cross-border infiltrations and narco-terrorism?
  • Will the Government of India provide adequate security
    and rehabilitation to victims and vulnerable sections or leave them on their own?

Lastly, by tampering with facts of history and juggling with impractical concepts and false interpretations, the booklet Inevitable Split has framed up a demonic image for Meetei as if they live by preying upon Kukis. Such propaganda is designed to play with Kuki’s victimhood card to cover up their diabolic agenda and crimes. But the author of the booklet must know that they have a bleak future unless they join with others in defeating narco-terrorism and immediately stop the dangerous politics of disintegrating Manipur. 

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